Completed Doctorates at PRIF

The dynamic functional change and development of the CFE Treaty since the end of East-West conflict forms the basis for this study. It offered particular outline conditions for checking to what extent four different theories of international relations (Neorealism, Hegemonic Stability Theory, Normative Institutionalism and Utilitarian Institutionalism) might explain the changes and adjustments of the regime and its continued functioning. The results of the project should contribute towards a better understanding of the causes of regime change and regime adjustment and clarify which theoretical hypotheses (or hypothesis) are (is) best suited to explaining the empirical findings.

This research project examines the inter­twining of nuclear and geo­politics and identifies structures of rule in the nuclear order as well as resistance to it. The Nuclear Non-Prolife­ration Treaty (NPT) is considered as the central inter­national legal frame­work for these structures of rule. The discussion of resistance focuses on the Treaty on the Prohi­bition of Nuclear Weapons (TPN). Since states from the global South in particular supported the TPN, there is a focus on possible anti-colonial motivations. Also, the clear hierarchy of the nuclear order suggests an analysis of rule from a critical, post­colonial perspective and an emphasis on the view of actors of resis­tance.

For this thesis, the emer­gence of a hierarchy of quali­tatively different spheres of action and influence in a given social context is charac­teristic for rule. This under­standing lends itself to application in an inter­national context and accom­modates the research interest in resistance.

Critical and post­colonial analytical tools are used to discuss the nature of the structures of rule in the nuclear order. On this basis, six components of colonial character will be explored. In addition to the two treaties, their norm structure and norm genesis, quali­tative inter­views serve as the data basis. In parti­cular, the perception and eva­luation of the actors of the resis­tance will be key through­out the analysis.

The dissertation project of Gregor Hofmann inquired into the normative underpinnings of the contestation processes surrounding the international recognition of the Responsibility to Protect norm. He focused on the analysis of conflicts between different metanorms, i.e. general principles that have an influence across different issue areas. In doing this, he was especially interested in the different stances taken by states regarding which of these metanorms should guide the development and application of international norms. Thereby, the dissertation project built upon recent theoretical debates on the contestation of international norms and on the relationship between order and justice in the society of states.

Published by Springer (German)

Addressing the research gap of non-emergence of norms, Elvira Rosert analyzed the prohibition of cluster munitions in her dissertation: Why was this norm adopted only as late as 2008? Drawing on Nina Tannenwald’s idea of permissive effects, Elvira Rosert developed a theoretical model which conceptualizes the non-emergence of certain norms as a permissive effect of other norms, and suggests two mechanisms explaining such effects. The project’s corresponding empirical proposition, that the norm against cluster munitions was subject to permissive effects of the norms against incendiary weapons and anti-personnel landmines, was tested using process tracing and content analysis of several thousand documents in the period between 1945 and 2008.

Published by Springer (German)

In her dissertation, Una Becker-Jakob analysed why some states commit themselves consistently and at times proactively to constructing and strengthening multilateral institutions for cooperative arms control, non-proliferation and disarmament. Case studies comprised Ireland’s and Canada’s policies regarding nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, biological weapons control and the ban on anti-personnel mines. She employed longitudinal studies of the international activities as well as process-tracing of domestic decision-making and qualitative content analyses of the pertinent discourses to explore whether a social psychological-social constructivist concept of state identity can help understand the phenomenon under scrutiny.

The empirical results showed that the observed policies can indeed be plausibly traced to the respective state identities. Translated into conceptual considerations, the results also showed that state identity as analytical construct is particularly valuable for foreign policy analysis when it takes into account the bureaucratic culture of foreign ministries as that mechanism which translates state identity into policy.

Published by Springer (German)

The global nuclear order and its core element, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), are in a state of crisis. The 2017 negotiation of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) in particular has severely shaken the established nuclear order. The new treaty has shed light on the rifts within the international nuclear architecture, notably the growing division between nuclear ‘Haves’ and ‘Have-Nots’. Thus, it comes by no surprise that sentiment towards the treaty is divided: while supporters perceive it as an exceptional innovation that advances disarmament, opponents see it as a threat to the existing nuclear order. Both sides, however, converge in their diagnosis regarding the origins of the nuclear order’s rifts that were revealed by the TPNW: they are mostly construed as direct result of insufficient disarmament steps, as natural consequence of the hierarchical structure of the NPT, or as purposeful and targeted acts of norm-entrepreneurship. That said, many approaches overlook the multiplicity and interplay of influencing factors that are constitutive for the contestation of and resistance to the NPT.

This dissertation project takes a closer look at the contestation and resistance processes that triggered and nurtured the emergence of the TPNW and have accompanied developments within and around the NPT ever since. For this purpose, the dissertation draws on research on norm contestation, resistance and radicalisation to better understand the actual processes of contestation that led to the TPNW. By (process) tracing how states' positionings on the TPNW have evolved, the dissertation aims to illustrate how contestation and resistance within the NPT served as a source and amplifier of radicalisation processes especially reflected in the polarisation of the nuclear order as we are currently witnessing. For underlying the disputes around the NPT and TPNW are not only procedural or technical issues, e.g. how to pursue nuclear disarmament. Rather, the negotiation of the TPNW also concerned the interpretation of the fundamental norms that undergird the normative nuclear order and the power relations that are reproduced and legitimised by the NPT. Through this perspective, the dissertation illuminates the complex nature of contestation and resistance within the NPT, which is not limited to either proponents or opponents of the nuclear ban.

Current develop­ments in the field of artificial intelligence, automation and autonomy are playing an increasingly important role, especially in the civilian but also in the military sector. The former sees innovations in auto­nomous driving or facial recognition in smartphones, while the latter expe­riences the diffusion of technology from the civilian sector to military appli­cations. One of the more prominent develop­ments is currently taking place in the area of lethal auto­nomous weapons systems. Interestingly, these weapons systems are already engaged with in arms control forums on the inter­national agenda despite the fact that fully autonomous weapons have yet to be fielded. This is in contrast to many weapons techno­logies that are not subject to any regulation or arms control processes. Never­theless, attempts at regulating autonomous weapons systems are stagnating while the established demand of NGOs, namely a ban treaty, remains a distant dream.

This dissertation project looks into the question of how knowledge about techno­logical develop­ments is generated in the first place, and what role this knowledge and expertise plays in arms control processes concerning autonomous weapon systems. The project begins with the essential conside­ration of how arms control processes actually work internally. On the one hand, arms control is no longer directed by states alone; experts, NGOs and civil society actors, the private sector, and many other stake­holders assert influence on these processes. On the other hand, knowledge generation concerning technologies—specifically the potential effects and possibilities of regulation—is no longer explicitly reserved for a group of experts. Many attributions of meaning, inter­pretations and states of knowledge are in competition with each other. These are found in socio-technical imaginaries. In this context, it is important to determine how the practices of knowledge production and autho­rization work, and how they 'make' or shape arms control. This dissertation will analyse these processes in the context of the debate on auto­nomous weapon systems in order to advance the under­standing of arms control itself.

Debates on conventional arms control in Africa often focus on the illegal proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW). This is also reflected in development projects of international donors. In this context, obstacles to the imple­mentation of arms control regimes are primarily understood as capacity problems.

In his dissertation project Matthias Schwarz goes beyond the focus on capacity by examining the politico-economic reasons that avert compliance in conventional arms control. The focus on capacity is extended by studying the influence of national political structures on compliance. Thus, compliance and imple­mentation are primarily viewed as a political and sociological negotiation process of security politics. Against the background of the Arms Trade Treaty, the UN Programme of Action on SALW and regional arms control agreements, the analysis is opened to the entire range of conventional weapons with a particular focus on procurement transparency.

The research recognises governments not as passive executors but as active shapers of arms control. Hence, international norms are adjusted in national contexts for practical political purposes. The study analyses the respective underlying causes and effects with a focus on informal negotiation processes between governments and their security institutions. The comparison of three African states will provide the empirical basis.

In his dissertation, Marco Fey investigates the reasons behind the change in American missile defense policies in the last twenty years. Since the Reagan administration, missile defense had been an integral element in the political identity of both parties: the Republicans were set on creating a national missile defense shield while the Democrats were vehemently against this plan. As such, it is all the more surprising that the Democrats withdrew their opposition to this initiative in the course of the last twenty years. Neither materialistic, geopolitical nor domestic policy considerations provide an adequate explanation for this development.

The dissertation project, which is oriented towards contemporary history and law, examines the Council of Europe's democratization strategy towards Russia. It focuses on the mechanisms and instruments of the Council of Europe in the field of democratic and legal development assistance. Special attention is paid to the monitoring and evaluation mechanisms initiated and implemented by the Council of Europe since 1989.

Published by Springer (German)

Carolin Anthes’ Ph.D. pro­ject deals with the con­tested system-wide United Nations hu­man rights main­stream­ing initiative and in­vesti­gates how it has been taken up by the Food and Agri­culture Orga­nization of the United Nations (FAO), a spe­cialized ag­ency de­dicated to end­ing hunger and mal­nutrition world­wide.

Based on the re­searcher’s former work ex­perience within FAO’s Right to Food Team and in-depth multi-sited field re­search, the study identi­fies and ana­lyzes multi-di­men­sional in­st­itutional road­blocks, which pre­vent the right to food from being fully main­streamed within the or­ga­ni­zation. The pro­ject ad­dresses a gap in in-depth re­search on UN agencies and their human rights practices, in par­ti­cular on the FAO, the UN’s larg­est but in In­ter­nat­ional Re­lations (IR) re­search so far ne­glec­ted spe­cialized ag­ency. It con­tri­butes to further “opening up”, in­vesti­gating and theo­rizing inter­national or­ga­ni­zations and their insti­tu­tional and cult­ural rea­lities in (and beyond) the dis­ci­pline of IR.

Published by Springer (English)

This dissertation by Max Lesch analyzes the connection between deviance and the development of international norms.

How has deviance from the international prohibition of torture affected the dynamics of the norms and laws of the prohibition? Norm research in International Relations and International Law has come to competing, if not contradictory, answers to this question oscillating between productive and destructive assessments of the effects of deviance. I argue that this is often due to a narrow focus on single instances of norm violations or due to the underlying concepts of norms and law itself, biased towards an over-emphasis on norm conformity or regularity of practice. Since the prohibition of torture builds a cornerstone of the broader human rights regime which indeed faces diverse challenges, a better understanding of the nexus of norms, law and deviance is crucial to foster the robustness of the prohibition. In my dissertation, I combine a constructionist perspective on deviance with a long-term perspective on norm dynamics to trace the effects of deviance on the prohibition of torture in four episodes: torture in the colonial war in the 1950s and 1960s, in Chile and Northern Ireland in the 1970s, in Israel in the 1990 and in and by the United States in the early 2000s. I follow a discourse analytical approach to reconstruct how states and international (legal) institutions construct deviance from the prohibition of torture, how states react to labels of deviance, how this, in turn, affects norm dynamics on a more formal level and how debates about deviance differ across time.

Ben Christian's dissertation project investigates the question of how inter­national organizations (IOs) deal with the internal criticism of their employees. With regard to “criticism from within”, IOs face a dilemma: On one hand, internal criticism is an important resource for organiza­tional learning processes, enabling IOs to prevent failures and deliver better results. On the other hand, internal criticism can also pose a serious threat to the external reputation as well as to the internal stability of IOs, uncovering the inevitable discre­pancies between organiza­tional talk and action. How are IOs dealing with this ambi­valence of internal criticism? In which situations is internal criticism promoted, when is it suppressed? And: How could a construc­tive dealing with “criticism from within” in IOs look like? An explorative case study on “organiza­tional learning” in the UN Secretariat serves as an empirical basis for addressing these and other questions. Organiza­tional sociology, practice theory and the "sociology of critique" provide the theo­retical framework for the analysis.

Coercion is a crucial element in international cooperation and questions of war and peace. Coercive means are common tools in the pursuit of international order, ranging from targeted actions to broader coercive systems and relationships between states. However, coercion is clearly not a straightforward way to achieve compliance in international relations. Unintended consequences, resistance, and strategic interaction – among other factors – confound the effectivity of coercion in achieving the coercer’s desired outcome.

This thesis focuses on one such confounding factor – target state capacity. It examines how the effectivity of coercive measures (IV1a) and dependent relations (IV1b) in achieving compliance (DV) are moderated by target state capacity (IV2). The examination of this conditional relationship sheds light on the effectivity of coercion in international relations for both the imposition and the maintenance of peace and order.

State capacity is here understood as those domestic capabilities of the state directly relevant to shaping the policy area in question, rather than a catch-all concept. All else being equal, states with low administrative capacity and poor domestic enforcement mechanisms are expected to be less responsive to external pressure attempting to change their behavior. Conversely, high state capacity could “amplify” the effectivity of external pressure, as states will be more capable of implementing domestic change. Relatedly, the ways in which coercers take into account target state capacity when designing coercive measures will also be examined.

In her dissertation, Ann-Kristin Beinlich investigates religious non-governmental organizations (RNGOs) which actively engage the United Nations on the issue of women’s reproductive rights.

Research goal: Identify the potential orientations of RNGOs in order to correct the general perception that exists between religious actors and other NGOs considered to be secular. She carries out her investigation based on the example of Catholic NGOs and goes on to include additional NGOs of other traditions and confessions. The central questions she poses are: What leads civil society actors of a given tradition to assume divergent positions within the same policy area, and to what extent do they do so?

Published by Springer (German)

Israel, in a much-quoted phrase the "only democracy in the Middle East", is regularly ranked among the most developed Western democracies by indices like Freedom House and Polity. A very popular theory of International Relations – democratic peace theory – proposes that such democracies prefer peaceful solutions to international conflict. Israel, instead, has often contributed to the violent escalation of the conflict with the Palestinians. Drawing on liberal values as the driving force behind democratic peace, the dissertation thesis takes a look at a competing mindset to liberalism that unfolds its potential within the framework of democracy: nationalist religion. Owing to its historical and philosophical background in the Enlightenment and the secularisation paradigm, democratic peace theory (like much of IR-theory in general) has a blind spot regarding the phenomenon of politicised religion. Yet in Israel, religious nationalism has been a competing ideology to secular Zionism since its inception. While consociational elements in the Israeli democracy helped accommodating the religious camp in the first decades of the Jewish state, the capture of "biblical landscapes" in the 1967 war brought to the forefront a new generation of young religious nationalists under the guidance of Rabbi Zvi Yehuda haCohen Kook who interpreted the settlement process in the occupied territories as a religious duty in preparation for the coming of the Messiah. The cleavage between secular and religious Jews more and more overlapped with the split between doves and hawks. The Labour party explicitly based its involvement in the peace process in the 1990s on the promotion of a liberal, secular Zionist identity of the State of Israel, in accordance with the liberal values underlying democratic peace theory. In stark contrast, the national-religious camp demands that Israel be a decidedly Jewish state that incorporates the biblical landscapes in the Westbank and Gaza-Strip. By way of coalitional politics in the fragmented Israeli party system, the religious parties gain an unproportionately high influence on Israeli foreign policy regarding the conflict with the Palestinians.

Published by Nomos (German)

Salafist radicalization has long since become a hotly debated topic not only in society, but also in politics and science. At the latest when radicalization processes lead to violence, Salafism becomes relevant to security policy and society. But often the boundaries between the rejection of violence and the legitimation of violence are blurred. It is precisely this thin line that makes Salafist radicalization - as well as other forms of religious and political radicalization - per se a security problem.

The consequence is that both in politics and in society an increasingly narrow understanding of radicalization has established itself, which understands violence as the logical end point of the radicalization process. But empirical evidence shows that Salafi groups also have non-violent radicalization paths. In order to achieve a pronounced understanding of radicalization, non-violent radicalization processes must therefore also be brought into focus.

In her dissertation, Hande Abay Gaspar examines which social and political opportunity structures can favour or slow down violent radicalization and which mechanisms are triggered. The aim is to use a causal process analysis to reconstruct the radicalization process of violent and non-violent Salafist actors at the group level and to identify conditional factors that could possibly favour or inhibit violence.

Clara Braungart’s dissertation considered the work carried out by religious NGOs in processing conflicts in post-conflict settings.

In the context of post-conflict situations in Kenya and Uganda, the dissertation investigated the extent to which the positions that organizations take at the international level (International Criminal Court) diverge from the ones they assume at the national and local levels. It specifically focused on the question of whether religious NGOs tend to promote mechanisms for reconciliation or for international criminal justice.

Published by Springer (German)

The dissertation project in political science (completed in 2007) on "Democracy, Social Peace and Economic Crisis in South America. On the Political Economy of Democratic Pacification and Stabilization Patterns and the Examples of Argentina and Ecuador" set out to explain a remarkable fact: the persistence of South American democracies in spite of severe economic, political and social crises. Two comparative case studies on Argentina and Ecuador inquired how economic crisis, social protest and the political adaptation to both combined in ways that socio-political conflicts escalated into crises of democracy but "short of collapse" gave way to phases of re-stabilization. Micro analyses of the Argentine unemployed movement and Ecuador's indigenous movement complemented the case studies. Bolivia and Chile were covered as control cases.

The general result of the project is that an idealized model of democratic stabilization and pacification - that assumes the democratic state to both peacefully transform the mode of processing conflict and to effectively reduce the sources of conflict - needs to be complemented by looking at informal mechanisms of conflict regulation, on the one hand, and societal "bottom up" repression, on the other. Informal political institutions and practices, that add to formal-democratic mechanisms of integrating social groups and responding to social claims, include clientelist relations and non-institutionalized negotiation systems, but also the toppling of elected presidents by mass protest (popular impeachment). The notion of societal "bottom up" repression refers to the fact that the intrinsic capabilities of social groups to form and act as contentious collective actors is neither fixed nor distributed equally across society. A broad range of socio-economic, politico-institutional and cognitive-ideological factors have a regulative/repressive impact in the sense that they reduce the capacities and incentives on the part of (potentially) contentious groups to organize, mobilize, and act politically

Published by Nomos (German)

Democratization is among the standard forms of therapy that are supposed to create lasting peace in post-civil war societies. This dissertation project investigated the strengths of this peace strategy using the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It uncovers, however, that democratization endangers both itself and domestic peace. These dangers not only arise from the transition to a democratic system but are also inherent in the very nature of democracy itself. Established democracies are at least capable of expelling the dangers that arise from democratic freedom and democratic competition. Post-civil war societies, on the other hand, are more susceptible to unleashing their destructive potential. Weighed in relation to other concepts, the establishment of democracy proves to be the worst option – when ignoring all others.

This dissertation led to the broader and also completed project titled “The Contribution of Externally Induced Democratization to Consolidating Peace in Post-War Societies”. The project “No State and Nation - no Democracy. The Democratization of the Post-Civil War Societies” also drew from this dissertation.

Published by Campus Verlag (German)

The terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 prompted the United States and its allies to intervene in the Afghan Civil War. The mission morphed into a state-building project mandated by the UN and supported by NATO, and then into a counter-insurgency campaign led by the US.

The Afghanistan Project analyzed the determinants that shaped the Western-led military intervention, with a focus on the US and Germany. It dealt with initial motives, changing objectives, and intervention effects, as well as with possible scenarios that could play out after the withdrawal of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in 2014. While the reasons for the German participation in the intervention were analyzed using historical-evaluative methods, the project also dealt with current challenges and policy options related to a de-escalation of the Afghanistan conflict in both its domestic and regional dimensions. Hence, the project combined questions of classical foreign policy analysis with the analysis of internationalized civil wars and complex, networked conflicts such as the political environment in Afghanistan and Central Asia.

This study focuses on social self-consciousness in post-Soviet Russia with reference to the concepts of "Self", "Our" and "Other". Based on the theories of the "Self" and the "Other" from three different disciplines – psychology, sociology and democracy theory –, the author analyzes the characteristics of post-Soviet change and political culture in Russia. Focusing on qualitative interviews with young people of the first post-soviet generation, this dissertation project reveals patterns of interpretation of the present-day political culture in Russia.

Published by Nomos (German)

The recent political upheavals in the Arabic world have brought Islamist movements into the spotlight even though they were already an integral part of the political reality in these Arabic countries before the outbreak of the so-called “Arab Spring”. The increased political influence of these movements has sparked intense debate as to their political role and characteristics.

This discussion touches at the heart of an ongoing academic debate between so-called “essentialists” and “contextualists”. While the former focus on the religious character of Islamist movements as the central explanatory factor for their (rigid) religious-political convictions, the latter emphasize the way in which the social-political context shapes Islamist movements. Assuming that neither a pure essentialist nor an exclusive contextualist approach is sufficient to explain Islamist positions, the project addresses the following question: To what extent do Islamist movements adjust their conceptions of just political and social governance to changing political contexts?

The project used a comparative approach to analyze two parties with similar “Islamist frames” which pursued their social and political goals in very different contexts: the Jordanian Islamic Action Front (research period 1989-2011) and the Tunisian An-Nahdha party (research period 1981-2011). While the Jordanian Islamist party was selectively integrated into political processes by the semi-autocratic government, the An-Nahdha was repressively excluded from political processes until the fall of Ben Ali.

Published by Nomos

This dissertation project focuses on the normative dimension of the political and ideological conflict between Russia and the West and critically addresses some of the existing theoretical challenges and research gaps within constructivist norm research.

The project examines the various stances Russia has been selectively adopting in the process of its internalization, contestation and revision of international democratic norms throughout 2000–2012. The analysis focuses on the divergence within and between Russia’s normative rhetoric and political praxis in the area of civil and political rights norms.

Three case studies focus on Russia’s rhetoric and practice with respect to (1) the norm of international election observation, (2) the so-called “pro-NGO norm” and the state regulation of civil society organizations, and (3) the right to freedom of assembly in Russia.

For each case, this project assesses the official discursive representation of the given norms and the spectrum of political practices ranging from compliant, partially-compliant and non-compliant behavior. It also addresses the influence of multiple factors upon norm (non-)recognition and norm (non-)compliance dynamics as well as their interrelation.

Although the primary empirical focus of the research project is the Russian Federation, the study also contributes to the broader theoretical debate on normative revisionism, norm contestation and the decoupling of states’ human rights rhetoric from behavioral practices in the field of human rights protection.

The heterogeneity of Islam and Shiite spirituality in Iran receive little attention in Western discourse. Rather, it is simply assumed that Iranian Shia poses an obstacle to modernity.

Little is known about what religious-political actors in Iran associate with the terms Islam, modernity, modernization or democratization or about the extent to which their religious-political contributions enable or inhibit the peaceful transition to democracy.

This project analyzed the discourse taking place domestically in Iran along with the supporters and opponents of reform with the aim of identifying obstacles to democratization.

The investigation found that there is a strong grouping of reform-oriented clerics and religious intellectuals within Iranian society who would like to grant religion an autonomous position, who reject the paternalism of religious authority, and who support the restructuring of state institutions on the basis of rationality.

Published by Nomos

Lebanon, once the role model and beacon of hope for conflict resolution in so-called heterogeneous societies, continues to be rattled by recurring violence despite power sharing among its religious confessions. According to the theory of “consociational democracy”, the division of power between societal segments is supposed to further peace and stability in states characterized by heterogeneous societies. But do the confessions actually comprise the correct elements of Lebanon’s consociational democracy?

This completed dissertation project investigated how the confessional power division continued to be incorporated into the political system, and came to form the structure of the Lebanese constitution after 1990. Moreover, it examined the relationship between the constitutional charter and the civil war of 1975-1990 along with the possibly for the peaceful management of the conflict through changes to the constitution in 1990.

The results of this study were published in 2009 by the Nomos-Verlag under the title “Verfassung im Kraftfeld von Krieg und Frieden” in the PRIF Study-Series. The study was also published as a legal dissertation at the University of Gießen. Cordelia Koch composed this research project during her time as a scholarship holder from PRIF (2001-2004) and from the Orient-Institut of the Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft (2004-2005). She lived and carried out her research in Beirut from March 2003 to June 2005.

Published by Nomos

Looking at the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) after the so-called Arab up­risings of 2010/2011, only Tunisia seems to be a ‘shining example’ of a success­ful (beginning of a) transition to demo­cracy. At the same time, the country faces severe chal­lenges, one being Islamist radi­cali­zation that is attracting public attention to the country: Since 2011, numerous terrorist attacks occurred and estimated 6.000 Tunisians have left the country to fight in Libya, Syria or Yemen. Further­more, Tunisians have been playing a leading role in jihadist networks in Europe or have been among the highest ranks of the so-called Islamic State (IS).

In its search for ex­plana­tions for radi­cali­zation, the aca­demic literature offers a broad spectrum of possible reasons, political, religious and socio­eco­nomic margi­nali­zation being one of them – a thesis that is found in research on the MENA region, Europe and the United States alike. Yet, while most authors agree that margi­nali­zation presents a background against which radi­cali­zation may be more likely to occur, an actual in-depth empirical analysis looking at both ob­jectively mea­surable and per­ceived margi­nali­zation and examining its role in terms of radi­cali­zation and steering towards violence is still missing.

In her PhD project, Clara-Auguste Süß examines this connec­tion against the back­ground of social move­ment research. The dissertation combines two approaches and perspec­tives: (1) Compa­rative analys­is of radical actors’ frames and narratives (perspective from above – leader­ship and discursive strate­gies) and (2) Compa­rative analysis of local perspec­tives on margina­lization, grie­vances and spatiality (perspec­tive from below – potential consti­tuencies).

Restricting the work of CSOs and parties in opposition is a global phenomenon within the wave of rising authori­tarianism. In recent years, more than 63 countries have passed restrictive laws on civil society space and increased the criminali­zation of and discrimination against NGOs worldwide. In times of competitive elections, this space is in particular contested and elections are often a “stress-test” for electoral demo­cracies. Politicians and activists are both under pressure. The former as they fear losing power, the latter as they face (heavy) re­pressions.

Despite those re­pressions, it can be observed that CSOs and parties in opposition find new ways and inno­vative forms to react to those illiberal ten­dencies and to defend their spaces, gain votes and mobilize supporters. Based on this obser­vation, I will explore the national and inter­national factors that condition civil societies’ and opposition parties’ ability to (re-)act, facing increasing shrinking and closing spaces within the electoral cycle. I argue that a minimum of re­silience within the electoral cycle is neces­sary to keep the organi­zational capacity.

African regional organizations have far-reaching powers to intervene in their member states not only for humanitarian reasons but also when military coups happen. By means of various instruments such as sanctions, mediation, diplomacy and military intervention, they have extensive power to influence the political order of a country. After the fall of a government, regional actors enter into a power vacuum in which the legitimacy of their intervention no longer only has to be negotiated at the level of the member states, but above all with local - political and social - actors.

Ethnographic studies show that the local perception of international peace interventions is decisive for their legitimacy and thus for their success in creating long-term peace and stability. Political and social actors are not simply 'recipients' of external interventions; they interpret and evaluate them from their own local perspectives. How African regional organizations and their interventions are perceived locally - by political and social actors in the countries in which they intervene - has not yet been researched.

Using the interventions of the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Burkina Faso 2014 and 2015 as examples, the PhD project examines the mutual process of legitimizing regional interventions by the participating organizations on the one hand and their local perception on the other. While studies of international relations and peace and conflict research usually take a normative perspective in order to assess the legitimacy of international organizations and/or their interventions, the project focuses on frictions and ambivalences of (de-)legitimization 'from above' - i.e. of the organizations - and 'from below' - from local perspectives.

Even more than 40 years after inde­pendence, Mozam­bique has not gained political stability and peace. The decades-long civil war ended in 1992, but since 2012 the post-colonial country has again been the scene of armed conflicts. At the local level, large-scale projects by inter­national companies, especially in the north of the country, triggered new social conflicts and terrorist attacks. In addition, the country continues to be divided into the south, domi­nated by the former liberation army FRELIMO, and the central parts of the country, ruled by the opposing RENAMO. A contested culture of remem­brance appears to fuel the conflict dynamics.

In view of the recurring conflicts and their spatial dimensions, this project aimed to investigate with ethno­graphic methods how internal and external actors continue to reproduce the divisions in Mozambique’s spatial and social order, and to identify ways to break these cycles. The research focus was set on space as a an ex­pression and a strategy of social and political practice.

The Covid-19-pandemic made the planned empirical research im­possible so that this project was cancelled in August of 2020.

The project was supported with funding by the Ökohaus Foundation  for two years.

The dissertation “Security conflicts, security concepts and security actors in Nigeria” investigated local perceptions of a selection of measures in the area of police reform in Nigeria.

Everyday reforms for a security architecture

Nigerian society is characterized by profound security deficits as, among other aspects, there is a high degree of mistrust among uniformed representatives of state power and “ordinary” citizens. This ethnographical project by Nina Müller set out to research whether and how reform efforts pursued by international and national actors aimed at improving the security architecture at the local level manifest themselves in everyday life along with their underlying negotiation processes.

Published by Springer