Transnational Politics
The Research Department studies the transnational dimension of conflict and peace, focusing on activities of transnational actors and how transnational phenomena (e.g. migration flows, environmental destruction and terrorism) impact peace and security. Research deals with the involvement of NGOs, transnational corporations and violent non-state actors in transnational and international governance structures. Furthermore, issues regarding transnational threats and social conflicts such as migration, environmental crises, radicalization and terrorism are analyzed. The Research Department’s work is divided into three main areas: (1) non-state regulatory policy, (2) transnational dissidence and (3) social cohesion.
Additionally, the Research Group Radicalization is organized at the Research Department which conducts interdisciplinary and cross-departmental research on political and religious radicalization processes, as well as the Research Group Terrorism.
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Projects
Dissertations
Dealing with the threat of terrorism has shaped national security agendas since 9/11. German politics, too, reacted to what was perceived as a “new dimension” of threat. The German approach, however, relies on legal measures and the rule of law, defining terrorism as a form of crime which has to be dealt with in legal terms (in contrast to the US “war on terror”-approach). Consequently, numerous laws concerning counterterrorsim have been passed on the federal and state level since 2001. They cover a variety of legal areas, reflect a broad concept of security and have repeatedly transformed the framework of national security. Some mechanisms of the rule of law have been challenged or overwhelmed by these transformations: Risk-management and preventive measures intended to enable security agencies to act as far ahead of the situation as possible also invade areas protected by the Grundrecht (fundamental rights) and dilute basic principles such as the presumption of innocence.
In her dissertation project, Isabelle Stephanblome examines the legislative reactions to terrorism in Germany within the field of tension between politics, law and insecurity. To this end, different strategies for controlling insecurity are typologised and arguments for their legitimacy are analysed. The empirical basis for this is the legislation of the federal government and selected Bundesländer (states). The legal texts as well as the documents of their drafting processes will be examined with an interpretative approach in a qualitative case study. The project is located in political science legal research and aims to contribute to opening up law for security studies as a state instrument for processing uncertainty.
Terroristic threat has been a present phenomenon in European countries throughout the last decades. Nevertheless, its impact on the public opinion, policymaking and the national discussions has never been as strong as currently observed. At the same time, the European project is put to test. Right-wing populist parties are uprising and the future of nationalism, immigration, and the European Union are controversially discussed between the European countries as well as within the countries themselves.
This study aims to provide answers to the influence of terroristic threat on identity discourse in France and Germany. Damaris Braun will analyze to what extent terror attacks reinforce national identity markers. An additional research objective is to clarify in which manner the terroristic threat changes the setting we live in and therefore influences our situated identities. Drawing upon a social identity approach, she assumes an interdependence and/or interference between national and European identity constructions. Aspects as agency, reconstruction of a positive identity and superordinate identity categories are additionally considered.
In the mixed methods design Damaris Braun contributes to research on identity by providing data showing how terroristic threat influences identity processes on a national and supranational level.
Dealing with postmigrant diversity is a current challenge for state institutions in Germany. Demographic change as well as debates on racism lead to pressure to deal with questions of belonging, representation and participation of people with migration background. In Germany, an effort by police to address and employ people with migration background in recruitment campaigns can be observed. However, this diversification does not necessarily lead to institutional change due to the established cop culture and organizational culture.
Even if there is no paradigm shift yet, a change in the way the German police is dealing with postmigrant diversity can be observed. This dissertation project uses ethnomethodological methods and qualitative interviews to investigate understandings of diversity within the German police by analyzing practices of creating diversity.
Radical positions are currently on the rise again in many European countries as well as in Germany, and anti-democratic and anti-emancipatory ideas are spreading. Hate crime is on the rise, especially online, and comments and statements in the virtual world are becoming more uninhibited. This development has become particularly evident for several years in the phenomena of Salafist jihadism and right-wing extremism.
By winning over more people to right-wing or Salafist ideology and increasing the willingness to use violence within the scenes, the mobilization strategies and techniques of extremist actors seem to be paying off. By means of a qualitative content analysis of Facebook content of Salafist and right-wing extremist actors, Manjana Sold investigates in her dissertation project which mobilization techniques are used by differently radical individuals and which differences can be observed within the phenomenon areas.
So-called Reichsbürger (‘citizens of the Reich [German empire]’) are not a new phenomenon in Germany. However, recent events, such as the investigation into ‘Patriotische Union’ (‘Patriotic Union’) since December 2022, the Covid-19 protest movements, and several serious acts of violence have been highlighting their increasing societal relevance. And yet, the currently existing body of knowledge is highly fragmented which hinders an in-depth analysis of this particular ideological spectrum and its followers. Interestingly, preliminary analyses suggest potentially substantial differences between the Reichsbürger following and the followers of other, better-studied extremist phenomena. This relates to, for example, demographic factors, social dynamics, and forms of organisation. As a result, existing conceptualisations of radicalisation cannot easily be transferred to Reichsbürger, which necessitates new and dedicated research into the topic.
In his dissertation, Maximilian Ruf investigates individual pathways and causalities of radicalisation of Reichsbürger in Germany based on biographical-narrative interviews. The overarching aim of the project is to generate and systematise new knowledge on Reichsbürger radicalisation and to delineate it from other radicalisation phenomena in order to identify new starting points for further research and practical development.
Lotta Rahlf’s doctoral project systematically compares how evaluations of efforts to prevent and counter violent extremism (P/CVE) are structurally organised across Europe. By mapping various ‘P/CVE evaluation systems’ and examining factors that may explain their differences, her dissertation draws attention to the variety of ways countries organise the generation of evaluative knowledge to respond to increasing demands for evidence-based P/CVE measures. Filling crucial theoretical and empirical gaps in P/CVE research, Rahlf particularly examines the levers that make P/CVE evaluation systems more centralised in some countries and more decentralised in others. This means that her dissertation explores why P/CVE evaluations are strongly controlled by the government in some contexts while such activities are more distributed among several entities, including civil society, in others. After a comparative mapping of evaluation management in the P/CVE field in Europe, she will use qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to analyse which factors have an influence on certain designs of such evaluation systems. Based on the results, Rahlf will then select three countries to analyse their respective evaluation systems in depth. This dissertation, which is part of the EU-funded Marie Skłodowska-Curie PhD network VORTEX, also has a high practical relevance as it enables P/CVE practitioners and policy makers to learn from other European contexts.
Cognitive radicalization is characterized by an individual’s acceptance of a certain extremist ideology. It is widely believed that contemporary radicalization processes of both jihadists and right-wing extremists are partially shaped by the narratives and stories extremists postulate in their propaganda. In many cases, the consumption of these narratives takes place in the digital sphere.
Considering that narratives are perceived as crucial for radicalization processes, it is unsurprising that narratives also feature prominently in efforts to prevent and counter (violent) extremism (P/CVE). Narrative campaigns against extremism, often labeled counter-narratives and alternative narratives, have become a prominent yet heavily criticized tool to mitigate the impact of extremist narratives online.
In her dissertation, Linda Schlegel examines an aspect that has been conspicuously absent from the current literature on P/CVE narrative campaigns: How can good storytelling support the persuasive effects of narrative campaigns against extremism? To this end, she transfers insights on narrative persuasion in other contexts such as entertainment-education efforts, to the P/CVE field. The aim is to demonstrate the importance of high-quality storytelling in counter-extremism efforts and show that narratives against extremism can be improved significantly by building upon existing insights on narrative persuasion generally.
The dissertation examines how prevention hybrids influence practice. Prevention of extremism is usually divided into three areas. In theory, a distinction is made between primary, secondary and tertiary prevention. While primary prevention is aimed at the general public, secondary prevention attempts to reach people who are assumed to be at an increased risk of radicalization. Finally, tertiary prevention is aimed at distancing and deradicalization. In practice, however, overlaps can be found between the areas, resulting in a mixture of objectives and approaches. For example, primary prevention programs are implemented in the context of secondary prevention and vice versa. These prevention hybrids thus combine aspects that by definition are ascribed to different areas. The project examines how practitioners experience and implement these programs in different contexts. The dissertation thus explores how opportunities and needs are negotiated in prevention practice. This research project, which is part of the EU-funded Marie Skłodowska-Curie doctoral network VORTEX, provides insights into the conception and implementation of prevention and thus has theoretical and practical relevance.
This PhD project investigates the rise of antifeminist conspiratorial mobilization in Germany, fueled by conservative, Catholic, and right-wing actors who oppose gender equality as well as queer and trans rights, because they view them as causing societal collapse due to the erosion of “natural” gender roles. Support of anti-feminism is not easily understood from a psychological needs perspective, as it entails an opposition to politics which promise emancipation for many. The particular form of conspiracist opposition to these politics furthermore connects them to antisemitic notions and supports a perceived urgency to defend oneself against the supposedly feminist elites. This PhD project aims to explore how individuals of different gender identities nevertheless experience political empowerment within these movements and how they view those they perceive as threatening. Employing a mixed-method approach, including interviews and online narrative analysis, the project aims to explore the socio-psychological mechanisms by which individuals gain political agency.
During the last decade terrorist attacks by so-called lone wolf terrorist have occurred. The attacks by Anders Breivik in Norway and Arid Uka in Germany are just two examples of this growing phenomenon. Those perpetrators act alone and allegedly radicalize alone. Yet, radicalization research highlights the importance of social ties in radicalization and mobilization to terrorism. Therefore, one has to pose the question, how lone wolves radicalize, if social ties are highly relevant in radicalization, yet the main feature of lone wolves is supposedly their loneliness. To date little research has been conducted to address this puzzle systematically on a theoretical or empirical basis.
In her dissertation project, Annika von Berg addresses the question how social ties affect radicalization processes of lone actors. To answer this question, an identity-theory-based model will be used to examine these radicalization processes in single-case-studies via process-tracing. The case studies will investigate incidents in the field of right-wing extremism and Islamism extremism.
Completed Projects
What an armed non-state actor (ANSA) is named and how it is discursively framed opens up certain options for states for engaging with it while precluding others. Whether or not to “talk to terrorists” is the most prominent version of the dilemma states – and sometimes international organisations (IOs) – face when weighing their options: On the one hand, they may fear rewarding violent behaviour, and thus incentivising similar strategies for other actors. They do not want to show any weakness by giving in to coercive strategies like terrorism and extortion. On the other hand, there may be a desire to put an end to violence and armed conflict, as well as a hope to transform the respective ANSA and integrate it into a more peaceful society and political system. Under these circumstances, states and IOs may choose to initiate (secret) talks and negotiations, to crack down the respective group in an attempt to violently dissolve it, or to initiate a process of reframing the ANSA in a more accommodating or more hostile way, thus opening up new trajectories for conflict transformation or escalation.
All of these forms of interaction involve some type of recognition, non-recognition, or mis-recognition of the ANSA by the respective state or IO. Recognition describes a basic human need for the formation of identities, both on an individual and a collective level. The project aimed to introduce the concept of recognition to the debate on how to deal with ANSAs, explore its academic and political potential, and, by drawing on different examples from various world regions, discuss its validity for understanding conflict transformation and escalation.
Project duration: December 2020 – July 2021
Publications
- Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
| 2021
Geis, Anna; Clément, Maéva; Pfeifer, Hanna (2021): Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition, Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Publication - Recognition dynamics and Lebanese Hezbollah's role in regional conflicts
| 2021
Pfeifer, Hanna (2021): Recognition dynamics and Lebanese Hezbollah's role in regional conflicts, in: Geis, Anna/Clément, Maéva/Pfeifer, Hanna (eds), Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition, Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Publication - Recognising armed non-state actors: Risks and opportunities for conflict transformation
| 2021
Geis, Anna; Clément, Maéva; Pfeifer, Hanna (2021): Recognising armed non-state actors: Risks and opportunities for conflict transformation, in: Geis, Anna/Clément, Maéva/Pfeifer, Hanna (eds), Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition, Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Publication
Private security firms are non-state actors who are increasingly assuming functions that have traditionally fallen within the exclusive purview of the military or other state authorities. These functions include armed deployments into crisis areas along with the deterrence and the prosecution of criminal acts.
Besides their operations on land, private security companies have become increasingly active at sea, such as by protecting trade vessels from pirate attacks through the use of armed escorts. The project “Global Crime Governance – The Privatization of Maritime Security (2014-2019)” investigated maritime security risks, especially from piracy, and the role of private security companies in the fight against non-state violence at sea subdivided into two smaller ones: “Piracy in Southeast Asia” and “The Privatisation of Maritime Security”.
Piracy in Southeast Asia
Southeast Asia has again become the region in the world with the highest number of pirate attacks – ten years after the last piracy boom in the region. The sub-project “Piracy in Southeast Asia” aimed to examine the evolution of piracy in Southeast Asia, the measures which have been taken against piracy (successful or not), and whether or not piracy will remain a security risk for the region into the future.
The Privatisation of Maritime Security
This sub-project investigated the past and present role of private security actors at sea, addressing the following core questions: What tasks have private security actors assumed at various points in time in the maritime area? What risks and opportunities does this process of privatization present? The contemporary part of this study focused on private military and security companies (PMSCs) active in fighting piracy in Southeast Asia and Africa. It considered the legitimacy of these companies and addresses the issue of state control over the companies and their armed missions. The project also investigated whether new national and international governance institutions, including new approaches to governance through the participation of non-state actors, have emerged in the wake of this privatization process.
Project duration: January 2014 – December 2019
This project aimed to bridge the literatures on insurgent movements from the fields of Rebel Governance and Social Movement Studies. It went a step beyond insurgent actors’ coercive capacities to analyze their strategic use of space as a means to obtain support and political legitimacy. It used an innovative concept, routinised Insurgent space (RIS), to disaggregate the insurgents spatial ordering of their immediate social environment. It focused on four specific instances of this type of RIS which re-occur across insurgent movements of different ideological orientation: Insurgent justice and policing, insurgent service provision, insurgent prison organisation and insurgent funerals. It drew primarily on two case studies, the M-19 in Colombia and the PKK in Turkey, using extensive qualitative interview data (fieldwork Bogota 2018 and ongoing interviews with the Kurdish diaspora in Europe), primary sources (movement publications and biographies) and local media sources from the periods under analysis.
Projektzeitraum: Februar 2019 – Febuary 2023
Civil society organizations and movements repeatedly call for boycotts of companies or states. Even in the early 19th century, the transnational movement against slavery called for a boycott of products in whose production slaves were involved.
Calls for boycotts by civil society can be directed against companies, industries and against states. They are one of the few instruments with which civil society organizations and movements seek to coerce other actors to change their policies or behavior.
The project investigated under which conditions calls for boycotts by civil society are successful meaning that target actors change their behavior. The project investigated transnational civil society boycotts from the 1970s until today. Boycotts against non-state actors are compared with those against states in similar policy fields. The aim of the project was to identify characteristics of non-state coercion and conditions for its success.
Project duration: September 2019 – Febuary 2023
Publications
- Olympische Spiele in Peking 2022 – Diplomatischer Boykott für mehr Menschenrechte?
| 2022
Coni-Zimmer, Melanie; Andersen, Olesia (2022): Olympische Spiele in Peking 2022 – Diplomatischer Boykott für mehr Menschenrechte?, PRIF BLOG.
Publication